Archive for the ‘FOI wins’ Category


If You Sue Trump, This DC Lawyer Will Help You For Free

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Mark Zaid wants to help journalists file a national security-centered FOIA request against Trump so much he’ll do it for free:

According to Zaid’s site, he’s an expert in defending “former, current, and prospective civilian federal employees, defense contractors, members of our active duty and reserve military, and journalists, particularly when they are threatened by the overshadowing spectre of national security.”

Of course, consider the risk. At this point, if you sue Trump, he may sue you back (and/or stick his tongue out at you)—or throw you in jail.

Photo by Michael Vadon – Own work, CC BY-SA 4.0.

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Hear It from a Journocriminal

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Let’s turn our attention to a real Georgia journalist who went to real jail for making a real public records request—really.

From the Atlanta-Journal Constitution’s July 1 piece:

A North Georgia newspaper publisher was indicted on a felony charge and jailed overnight last week – for filing an open-records request.

Fannin Focus publisher Mark Thomason, along with his attorney Russell Stookey, were arrested on Friday and charged with attempted identity fraud and identity fraud. Thomason was also accused of making a false statement in his records request.

Here’s AJC’s nut graph:

Thomason was charged June 24 with making a false statement in an open-records request in which he asked for copies of checks “cashed illegally.” Thomason and Stookey were also charged with identity fraud and attempted identity fraud because they did not get Weaver’s approval before sending subpoenas to banks where Weaver and another judge maintained accounts for office expenses. Weaver suggested that Thomason may have been trying to steal banking information on the checks.


Thomason Speaks at SPJ Region 3’s MediAtlanta

Thomason told his story at Region 3’s annual conference, dubbed MediAtlanta, on Oct. 29—you can watch the whole thing above. He’s in the center, to his left SPJ Georgia president-elect Dan Whisenhunt, to his right Kennesaw State University Professor and FOI Committee member Carolyn Carlson. Video by Nydia Tisdale.

You can read SPJ Georgia board member Julius Suber’s review of the event here.

Photo above courtesy of Julius Suber.

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The secret state of Massachusetts

Over the past year, Massachusetts State Police informed a local attorney it would cost him $2.7 million for public records related to data about the accuracy of breathalyzer tests. And the Bay State Examiner was told by the department they would have to pay a $710.50 fee to get a public records fee estimate, after the news site requested copies of internal affairs files for 49 state troopers.

Massachusetts: Once considered the birthplace of American civil discourse, its government over the past four decades has transformed the state into quite literally, one of the most secretive in the country- recently earning an F grade for public access to information by the Center for Public Integrity.

Two weeks ago, a bill passed through the state’s House of Representatives that would improve the situation and be the first update to the state’s public records laws in 40 years. And while there is hope the bill will be strengthened when it goes before the Senate next month, the current version does not address many of the deficiencies of the state’s broken system and in some cases, makes it worse.

A broken system

Government agencies in the state have the ability to charge reporters, advocates, and citizens massive fees to administer public records requests, which they say, covers the labor and printing costs of fulfilling requests. Often they charge high costs to have lawyers review and make redactions on each requested page and make printed copies of the records, even when the documents are available electronically.

Challenging high fees or public records denials in court can be expensive and can often take years. And filing an appeal with the Secretary of State is largely ineffective, allowing government agencies to push the boundaries when deciding what records should be public and how much it should cost to administer them.

Boston Globe Spotlight Team Investigative Reporter Todd Wallack said he is regularly charged tens- of- thousands or hundreds-of-thousands by Massachusetts government agencies for public records, which many states provide for free. On several occasions he has been flat-out denied records.

“It is all too common when dealing with particular agencies and police departments [in Massachusetts] where I get really high fee estimates that stretch the imagination and look like alternative ways to deny a request,” Wallack said.

In Sept. 2014, Massachusetts State Police said a blogger could not obtain records relating to a 63-year-old murder case because it was still under investigation, even though the suspect was long dead.

And last spring, Wallack filed FOIA requests to the state police and the Middlesex DA’s office asking for the state police report for the 2013 Watertown shootout involving the Boston Marathon bombers. In response, the Middlesex District Attorney’s office held a press conference about the report and posted it on their website. But days later, the state police sent him a letter denying his request.

“How much credibility do they have when that same report is on the web and the DA sent out a press release?” Wallack asked.

The state’s public records law doesn’t apply to the governor’s office, the judicial branch, or the state legislature at all, allowing them to operate in the dark. And the state agencies that are subject to the laws, sometimes take months or years to administer a request.

Recently, the Massachusetts State Police was fittingly named the most secretive publicly-funded government agency in the country, winning the Investigative Reporters and Editor’s prestigious 2015 Golden Padlock Award.

But the secrecy has expanded to police departments across the Commonwealth.

Last spring, Massachusetts Secretary of State William Galvin made a series of rulings that gave police greater power to withhold and censor arrest records. In 2014, former Governor Deval Patrick signed a law that prohibits police departments from releasing reports or logs with information relating to domestic violence and sex crimes.

And NEMLEC, a law enforcement council that coordinates regional police activity and has a SWAT team that deploys armed vehicles and conducts forced-entry raids on Massachusetts homes, have continuously dodged FOIA requests.

Lack of enforcement

Over the years, it has been difficult for journalists to fight public record denials or exuberant charges.

In fact, the state’s Attorney General’s office finally began enforcing the law for the first time in five years last June, months after Maura Healey was elected to the AG post. And in that one case, the AG’s office ordered the Fall River Police Department to lower the fee amount for a request. But the police department was never prosecuted.

Without the state’s help in enforcing the laws, reporters, citizens and advocates have been forced to go to the courts for help, which can be an expensive and time-consuming route.

Massachusetts is one of just three states that does not allow people who were found wrongly denied access to public records to recover attorneys’ fees. And such suits often take years before they are ever heard, Wallack said.

“[Government agencies] recognize if journalists are denied information for a long period of time, that means a story might not get written at all or it may no longer be timely,” Wallack said.

The fight for public records reform

While there is a major push by state lawmakers and advocacy groups to try and open up some of the blinders, such efforts have been met with large resistance from the lobbyist group the Massachusetts Municipal Association, which represents cities and towns across the state.

Two weeks ago, the state’s House of Representatives unanimously approved a public records reform bill that would reduce public records administration costs, require agencies and municipalities to assign a public access officer to handle requests, and allows judges to reimburse attorney fees and litigation costs to requesters who were unlawfully denied public records.

The bill was introduced by state Representative Peter V. Kocot and backed by a coalition of 40 watchdog, civil rights and journalism organizations including the American Civil Liberties Union of Massachusetts, Common Cause Massachusetts and SPJ’s New England pro chapter.

But, as DigBoston thoroughly reports, the bill doesn’t nearly go far enough and in some cases, makes the situation worse.

For instance, the existing law gives agencies 10 days to respond to FOIA requests while the new bill gives state agencies up to 60 days and local agencies up to 75 days, with the option to apply for an extension with the supervisor of records. However, Common Cause Massachusetts Executive Director Pam Wilmot said the courts have ruled that the 10 days isn’t really a hard deadline for agencies to respond to requests.

“Even though there is something on paper, there is no effect,” Wilmot said.

Another issue DigBoston points out, is judges would have discretion over whether to award attorneys’ fees to people who successfully sued agencies over wrongfully denied records. Wilmot said judges would need to produce a written explanation as to why they are withholding attorney’s fees, which she suspects they would prefer not to do unless there was a good reason for it.

And the bill makes it harder to simply file a lawsuit for denied public records requests. As it stands, requesters have an indefinite amount of time to file a lawsuit, whereas in the bill, they would have only 30 days.

The bill would also not make the public records law apply to the governor’s office, the judicial branch, or the state legislature. But, a late amendment to the bill was added that would create a study commission to look at the future inclusion of the three bodies and other ways the legislature can be more open and transparent.

The road ahead

Wilmot said the bill is not perfect, but it is a step in the right direction. She said the Senate is expected to take up the bill in January, which, as a whole is typically more friendly to public records reform. She said she is optimistic the Senate will strengthen the bill.

“The Senate has been consistently more pro-reform in a number of areas and more willing to push the envelope when it comes to transparency,” Wilmot said. “Will it be everything we want? Probably not. But I think it may be close.”

Once approved, the bill would go to a conference committee, which would likely pass some kind of compromise between the Senate and the House bills, she said.

As for Governor Charlie Baker, who would need to sign-off on the final bill, he set public records procedures for state agencies in July, in an effort to improve transparency. But Wilmot said his office is concerned about having strict cost controls for municipalities when administering public records due to existing laws barring the state from mandating municipalities to spend more money without giving them more money.

It’s encouraging that lawmakers are finally taking public records reform seriously. But real reform that addresses all of the issues is needed, not something that gives public officials avenues to avoid having to turn over records that belong to the taxpayers and hardworking journalists. Massachusetts has been governed in the dark for too long. It’s time to pull up the shades and bring in some sunshine.

Danielle McLean is a member of the Society’s Freedom of Information Committee and President of Society’s New England Pro Chapter.

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FOI Win in Georgia: Defamation Law Repealed

An archaic law prohibiting criminal defamation has been repealed in Georgia, writes Matt J. Duffy, an SPJ Georgia member, and member of SPJGA First Amendment, FOI and Ethics Committee. Georgia removed its criminal libel statutes last month, and although the statute hadn’t been used in decades, this protects journalists from being arrested for exercising free speech. Read more here.

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Guilty by Omission: Tristram Korten and FCIR Investigate What Florida’s DEP Leaves Out

It started off as a passing complaint from a former contractor with the Florida Department of Environmental Protection; the word “climate change” was taboo. The contractor had been hired to write educational fact sheets about coral reefs, he told Tristram Korten, editor at the Florida Center for Investigative Reporting.  But every time he referenced climate change, he was told to remove or alter the phrase.

Korten knew if the tip turned out to be true, it would invite an interesting story. How could a state like Florida, rich in biodiversity and threatened by rising sea levels and extreme weather, be expected to protect its environment if a key agency could not address a major threat? Yet the whole story was based off a single source and as any journalist knows; that is simply not good enough. Korten needed more verification, but it would be a challenge. He’d have to prove a negative.

Did the Florida DEP really avoid the term “climate change?”

Korten and the FCIR’s investigation uncovered a major problem. Not only had the terms “climate change” and “global warming” dropped progressively out of public documents year after year, other agencies were boycotting the issue as well. It all seemed to coincide with the inauguration of new governor Rick Scott, who upon taking office in 2011, reorganized the DEP and appointed a new director.

Although there was no explicit order from Scott to the leaders of state agencies and Scott himself denied the claim, the findings kicked off an investigation that is still ongoing. Korten has reported omissions at the Department of Transportation, the South Florida Water Management District, and the Florida Department of Health.

How did he do it? In this case, there was no specific document to request, and no specific law to cite. Government officials refused to grant interviews; instead, Korten received short, dismissive email replies like “DEP does not have a policy on this.” Employees at state agencies were reluctant to talk, or insisted on remaining anonymous, for fear of losing their jobs.

Here are the tools and techniques Korten used to deal with those issues.

An email search. After filing a public records search for the information, Korten and his team employed a tightly controlled email search to look for explicit mentions of communications policies between agencies, or from agency leaders to employees. But the email search was kind of a needle-in-a-haystack approach, said Korten. He didn’t want to spend too much time on a fishing expedition through thousands of emails. However, his search did turn up one piece of evidence, a 2014 email from the Coastal office’s external affairs administrator to a regional administrator, telling him to avoid claiming “climate change” as a cause when he appeared in a National Geographic/Audubon documentary about sea-level rise. If using this approach, Korten advises journalists to request communications in their native electronic format to preserve the original text.

 

April 2014 email exchange between Florida DEP employees Michael Shirley, a regional administrator, and  Pamela King Phillips, the coastal office’s external affairs administrator. Story by Tristram Korten and fcir.org.

April 2014 email exchange between Florida DEP employees Michael Shirley, a regional administrator, and
Pamela King Phillips, the coastal office’s external affairs administrator. Story by Tristram Korten and fcir.org.

Linked In: Linked In is a great tool for finding current and former employees with various agencies. Because many current employees didn’t want to go on record for this story, Korten relied on finding former employees with valuable insight but no fear of retaliation. The best parts about this social media tool are being able to search by dates employed, and to see connections related to you or to other sources. Many ex-employees still balk at going on the record, however. Journalists can find and contact academics, contractors, lobbyists, and scientists with connections at this agency for more honest insight.

korten2

Linked In can be an invaluable tool in locating and connecting with sources.

Annual Publications and Reports. Korten and his team obtained the yearly DEP reports from 2010 (the year before Scott took office) up until 2015. This was an easy and convenient way to analyze the department’s priorities over time; as most agencies post their annual reports online for the general public. And there’s a simple technology that makes sifting through a hundred pages of pdf document feasible in minutes: the Ctrl + F (or find) function. Korten and his team ran a keyword analysis of PDF files on DEP’s public website — which included reports, agendas, correspondence and other communications. The result was a noticeable difference over the years, 209 instances in 20 documents in 2010 declined to only 34 occurrences in 2014. And Korten said most of the 2014 instances were merely references to older documents. Korten also suggests getting original drafts of the reports, if freedom of information laws allow. This way, you can analyze what edits were made, including erroneous omissions or rewordings.

Number of "climate change" references in Florida DEP reports, data collected by fcir.org

Number of “climate change” references in Florida DEP reports, data collected by fcir.org

Interviews, interviews, interviews. It’s crucial to attempt to get both sides of the story, even if one side refuses to talk. In Korten’s case, the lack of response from agency officials spoke volumes. And every example of censorship provided by an ex-employee served to strengthen the original tip. Korten said most of his networking took place in the state capital, Tallahassee, right at the heart of the government activity.

What’s next?

Korten is most anxious to see how his story and investigation will lead to the reintroduction of “climate change” into the public sphere. He wonders if the “ban” has impaired scientists’ and officials’ ability to carry out their jobs, and to what extent the former administration’s initiatives and laws have been dismantled. He’s hopeful for the future, now that the problem has been exposed.

“The response from inside the DEP was that people, many of whom were scientists, were frustrated with this taboo,” he said. “It’s going to be hard to put that restriction back on them.”

Ashley Mayrianne Jones, SPJ’s summer 2015 Pulliam/Kilgore Fellow, focuses on utilizing FOIA and open government data to improve investigative environmental reporting. Follow her blog for the latest tips, tricks and news updates. Email Ashley or tweet @amayrianne.

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Big oil, bad air, good reporting: How InsideClimate News reporter Lisa Song stuck with it (and so can you)

For three days, InsideClimate News reporter Lisa Song sat rifling through public records documents in the file-reading room of the Texas Commission on Environmental Quality. The unwavering eyes of a government-appointed paralegal watched her every move, making sure Song did not copy or try to smuggle the papers.

“It was like having a babysitter,” Song said when we met up at the recent Investigative Reporters and Editors conference in Philadelphia.

The problem was the records Song was reviewing were supposed to be public — available to anyone — but a miscommunication between her FOIA case record agent and the TCEQ led to Song flying from Boston to Austin to read the information. She could have copied the documents and returned to Boston, but would have been expected to pay $3,400, she said.

Song was looking at communications among Texas state toxicologists, in order to report on a story about the state’s recently weakened chemical guidelines and the potential ramifications on air quality.

The eventual story, a year-and-a-half-long series published in collaboration with the Weather Channel and the Center for Public Integrity, was titled “Big Oil, Bad Air.” The story exposed major air pollution within the Eagle Ford Shale, a 400-mile-long stretch of oil and gas drilling sites.

Companies are required to report certain air emissions to environmental agencies under the Clean Air Act. But Texas doesn’t require all of the production facilities to file emissions data with the state; instead, they allowed a “self-audit” policy. However, using air permits granted to some of the other companies, Song and her team discovered other sites had permission to release almost 190 tons of toxic chemicals like benzene and formaldehyde every year.

It wasn’t an easy investigation, Song recalls. Texas is an “oil and gas state,” so even government agencies are dealing with financial conflicts of interest, as agency leaders such as those at the TCEQ are appointed by the governor himself and other officials have financial incentives to support the industry.  She and her colleagues filed over fifty open records requests for investigation reports, oil and gas pollution inventories, enforcement actions, agency communications and personnel files, a dozen of which were state attorney general’s office because the TCEQ wanted the documents withheld, she said.

GROWING PROBLEM

It’s becoming a growing problem, according to Song, and not just in Texas. Regulations and disclosure rules vary among states, but environmental journalists are meeting a lack of transparency from agencies across the board. Face-to-face interviews with EPA officials are almost nonexistent, and email is the preferred method of communication; A reporter who tries to call a source at the EPA will most likely be shuttled through public information officers and media relations. FOIA requests can take a year or more to be granted. Song spent three months trying to get an interview with EPA, who in this story should have stepped in when the Texas state agency failed. And in her personal experience, the USDA and U.S. Forest Service are even more elusive.

But oil companies are the worst. Although she didn’t have to deal with the trade secret problem associated with most of these oil-and-gas stories, she faced backlash and allegations from the public relations arm of the Independent Petroleum Association of America.

Song’s colleague David Hasemyer also faced challenges. Officials from the TCEQ and the Railroad Commission of Texas (also involved in the story) refused to grant interviews. At one point Hasemyer was berated by an agency spokesperson for attempting to call TCEQ inspectors at their homes and was physically stopped from approaching a commission chairman at a public meeting.

Fortunately the journalists prevailed, even leading to an air pollution monitor being installed in nearby Karnes County, Texas, and a criminal inquiry into the actions of two inspectors named in the story. It’s a cautionary tale for other states that are eager for fracking’s rewards, Song and her colleagues wrote in a report to Investigative Reporters and Editors, who in addition to SPJ, nominated the story for an award.

One of Song and Hasemyer’s infographics was awarded a 2014 Sigma Delta Chi Award from SPJ.

Song shares how they did it:

  • Documents:
    • Campaign contribution disclosure statements from the Texas Ethics Commission
    • Civil lawsuits on fracking and air pollution.
    • State legislation that aimed to strengthen or weaken air pollution regulations.
    • Science and engineering studies about fracking and public health published in peer-reviewed journals, conference proceedings and government reports.
    • Transcripts and videos from public hearings
    • New source review air permits
  • Interviews
    • 12 trips to shale drilling regions in Texas, Pennsylvania, and Louisiana
    • Scientists and engineers from universities, consulting firms, regulatory agencies, environmental groups and industry
    • Most public officials and industry representatives refused to speak on the phone or to meet in person, and only answered questions via email
    • Residents in Eagle Ford affected by pollution
  • Data Analysis

Reporters don’t need to live in Texas to replicate this story for their own hometown or beat. Refer to your state or region’s database of emission releases and review the Clean Air Act for more information.

Ashley Mayrianne Jones, SPJ’s summer 2015 Pulliam/Kilgore Fellow, focuses on utilizing FOIA and open government data to improve investigative environmental reporting. Follow her blog for the latest tips, tricks and news updates. Email Ashley or tweet @amayrianne.

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Must read FOI stories – 7/25/14

Every week I do a roundup of the freedom of information stories around the Web. If you have an FOI story you want to share, send me an email or tweet me.

  • The Electronic Privacy Information Center has sued the United States Customs and Border Protection to compel the agency to produce documents relating to a relatively new comprehensive intelligence database of people and cargo crossing the U.S. border.

David Schick is the summer 2014 Pulliam/Kilgore Freedom of Information intern for SPJ,  reporting and researching public records and FOI issues. Contact him at dschick@spj.org or interact on Twitter: @davidcschick

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Must read FOI stories – 7/07/14

Every week I’ll be doing a roundup of the freedom of information stories around the Web. If you have an FOI story you want to share, send me an email or tweet me (Missed last week because of 4th of July, so you’re getting a double dose this week.)

  • No moving targets in FOIA denials: Missouri judge rules that government agencies cannot give a different exemption than the original one used to deny the FOIA request after being sued.
  • Judicial Watch, a government accountability group, filed a legal motion about the “lost emails” of ex-IRS official Lois Learner.
  • FOIA suffers setback in South Carolina at the hands of the legislature and Supreme Court, which recently ruled that public bodies don’t have to issue agendas for regularly scheduled meetings.
  •  Massachusetts SWAT team claims they’re immune from public records requests, ACLU sues.

David Schick is the summer 2014 Pulliam/Kilgore Freedom of Information intern for SPJ,  reporting and researching public records and FOI issues. Contact him at dschick@spj.org or interact on Twitter: @davidcschick

 

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Must read FOI stories – 6/27/14

Every week I’ll be doing a round up of the freedom of information stories around the Web. If you have an FOI story you want to share, send me an email or tweet me.

  • FOIA from the “budget” perspective answers the following questions: How much are we spending on FOIA oversight? How does that compare to the costs of litigation? How much does the government spend on FOIA administration overall.
  • The FBI’s 83-page guide to Twitter shorthand. FMTYEWTK (Far More Than You Ever Wanted To Know).
  • A federal judge ruled that the Freedom of Information Act trumps an Internal Revenue Service policy for handling data requests after an advocacy group, Public.Resource.Org, filed a lawsuit against the IRS to make Form 990 returns available in a format that can be read by computers so the public can more easily search them for critical information about non-profit finances, governance and programs.
  • An Oklahoma County judge ruled that Gov. Mary Fallin can lawfully withhold public documents — relating to a decision on Obamacare  — which are covered by a “deliberative process” privilege.
  • Tulsa World editorial calls for the legislature to strike down the “deliberative process” exemption. A judge recently ruled that Governor Mary Fallin was allowed to withhold 100 pages out of 51,000 concerning her state’s decision on the Affordable Care Act, aka Obamacare.
  • The “FOIA Warriors” (Jason Leopold and Ryan Shapiro) are at it again and have filed a lawsuit against the CIA compelling the agency to release documents about its spying on Senate lawmakers who were tasked with investigating CIA torture.

David Schick is the summer 2014 Pulliam/Kilgore Freedom of Information intern for SPJ,  reporting and researching public records and FOI issues. Contact him at dschick@spj.org or interact on Twitter: @davidcschick

 

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Rise of the ‘FOIA terrorist’

Normally, I would just link to this type of piece in my weekly “must read” FOI story round up, but I wanted to draw extra attention to a recent article in Medium about Jason Leopold, the self-proclaimed “FOIA terrorist.”

The author, Jason Fagone, writes in his piece (one of the best long-form narrative stories I’ve read in a while) that he first learned of Jason Leopold through Twitter, as did I. Anyone following the #FOIA hashtag would be hard pressed to miss him. Many major stories broke as a direct result of his FOIA requests — The Abu Zubaydah Diaries.

… The military’s horrifyingly clinical description of how guards at Guantánamo are force-feeding prisoners on hunger strikes, and manuals describing how the Department of Homeland Security is monitoring Twitter for terrorist threats, and FBI records about the late investigative journalist Michael Hastings.

The story also recounts Leopold’s “dark past”: his struggles with substance abuse as well as his questionable ethics as a journalist at major news outlets. Having only been in the journalism world for three years, I was unaware of Leopold’s fall from journalism grace. But apparently after The New York Times’ David Carr wrote a story pointing out his mistakes in a major piece he published about Enron, Leopold thought his journalism career was over. Who wouldn’t?

One line that stuck out to me — when Leopold was explaining his questionable ethical decisions of bungling quotes, spelling mistakes, lying to sources about what was on and off the record:

“My whole thing was, I wanted to get at the truth by any means necessary,” he says.

I don’t know any journalists who couldn’t relate to that sentiment of wanting the truth that bad. Ethical decisions easily become clouded by those strong emotions. When you’re chasing down that big fish story, it’s hard not to get tunnel vision like Captain Ahab.

But he’s redeemed himself as far as I’m concerned.

Fagone writes, “Stories that praise Leopold’s FOIA scoops often refer to him not as a journalist but as an ‘activist.'”

I think that’s ridiculous. While the Freedom of Information Act is at the disposal of all people, no one utilizes it like a journalist (New hashtag? #FOIAlikeajournalist), or like Leopold does. And this is how he gets his stories now. No interviews. Just cold documents and hard facts.

Fagone writes:

The great thing about FOIA, for Leopold, was that it didn’t care about his past. It was just a law, an impersonal series of rules and procedures, inputs and outputs. There was hope in that.

Without giving away too many spoilers, one thing revealed is Leopold’s love for punk music, which makes sense. FOIA is the journalist’s version of a punk rock concert. The “in-your-face” attitude that comes with writing and submitting a FOIA request is akin to the thrill of being in a mosh pit, elbowing a drunk douchebag in the nose.

Above all, what I’m really happy to see is more FOIA advocacy. We could all benefit from having a Leopold in every newsroom.

On a final note, if Leopold reads this: Know that you’ve got at least one other FOIA soldier ready to do your bidding.

Mad props to Leopold, as well as Fagone and Medium, for publishing such an important story.

David Schick is the summer 2014 Pulliam/Kilgore Freedom of Information intern for SPJ,  reporting and researching public records and FOI issues. Contact him at dschick@spj.org or interact on Twitter: @davidcschick

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